Gerakan dan Ide Anarkisme di Indonesia

Suhairi Ahmad – detikNews Gerakan dan Ide Anarkisme di Indonesia Foto: IG daunmalam.katalog Jakarta

Judul Buku: Perang yang Tidak Akan Kita Menangkan: Anarkisme dan Sindikalisme dalam Pergerakan Kolonial hingga Revolusi Indonesia 1908-1948; Penulis: Bima Satria Putra; Penerbit: Pustaka Catut, 2018; Tebal: xxiii+ 225 hlm

Anarkisme seringkali disebut sebagai biang kerok kekerasan dan ini sudah mencapai puncaknya di Indonesia. Media massa beramai-ramai menggunakan diksi tersebut untuk menjelaskan segala hal terkait kebrutalan, kerusuhan, dan pengrusakan lainnya. Pandangan tersebut seolah final untuk memaknai dan memahami anarkisme. Seperti halnya isme-isme yang lain, ia turut menjadi korban bahasa yang diselewengkan dalam percakapan sehari-hari.

Namun, ada hal lain ketika May Day 2019 beberapa waktu lalu. Pihak kepolisian menyebut kemunculan anarko sindikalis adalah fenomena baru yang berkembang di Indonesia (detikcom, 2/5). Padahal gerakan ini muncul dan berumur sama tuanya dengan gerakan nasional sejak masa awal pergerakan nasional di Indonesia. Anarkisme pernah menjadi salah satu varian gerakan yang memiliki andil dalam pemberontakan rakyat melawan pemerintah kolonial Belanda.

Istilah Anarkisme sendiri berasal dari kata Yunani « anarki« . Terdiri dari dua kata, awalan an (atau a) yang bermakna ketiadaan, tidak, atau kekurangan. Lalu dilanjutkan dengan kata archos yang berarti suatu peraturan, pemimpin, kepala, atau kekuasaan. Maka anarchos/anarchein berarti tanpa pemerintahan. Tanpa pemerintahan inilah yang kemudian menjadi inti terkait paham anarkisme, tanpa pemerintahan yang berwujud negara sebagai otoritas tertinggi. Secara harfiah berarti tanpa peraturan, tanpa pemimpin, tanpa tuan.

Anarkisme muncul sebagai salah satu gerakan sosialis jauh sebelum paham marxisme berkembang di Eropa pada abad ke-18 (Ben Anderson, Di bawah Tiga bendera). Tokoh kunci pemikir anarkisme antara lain Piere Joseph Proudhon yang pikirannya pernah berkembang di revolusi sosialis tanpa partai, Komune Paris (1871). Selain itu, Mikhail Bakunin pernah tampil di Internasionale I dan menjadi lawan debat yang cukup sengit bagi Karl Marx. Di forum tersebut, Bakunin dan Marx berselisih paham terkait masa transisi setelah kapitalisme apakah perlu diktator proletariat atau tidak. Perselisihan tersebut tidak menemui titik terang antara kedua kubu dan pada 1872 kubu anarkis bersama Bakunin didepak dari Internasionale I. Lalu beberapa tahun kemudian aliansi gerakan sosialis ini membubarkan diri.

Tak banyak sejarawan menyadari keberadaan anarkisme di Indonesia. Satu di antara yang menyadari anasir anarkisme itu adalah Soe Hok Gie. Gie membaca kecenderungan nihilisme dalam Sarekat Islam di Semarang yang notabene bertendensi marxisme. (Soe Hok Gie, Di Bawah Lentera Merah, hlm. 40)

Nihilisme dalam beberapa hal berbeda dengan anarkisme. Namun, orientasi politiknya dengan anarkisme punya irisan yang sama untuk menghancurkan otoritas, termasuk otoritas pimpinan organisasi dan pemerintah kolonial yang menindas.

Minimnya literatur yang menjelaskan keberadaan anarkisme di Indonesia membuat ideologi politik satu ini sering disalahartikan dan bahkan dianggap tidak pernah ada dalam sejarah pergerakan nasional. Banyak yang menganggap anarkisme baru masuk ketika komunitas punk hadir pada kisaran tahun 1980-an. Buku Perang yang Tidak akan Kita Menangkan yang ditulis oleh Bima Satria Putra ini memberi gambaran penting terkait anarkisme dalam babakan sejarah Indonesia.

Anarkisme muncul bersama gelombang besar saat komunisme dan nasionalisme menjadi imajinasi pemberontakan melawan pemerintah kolonial. Max Havellar menjadi buku pertama yang menjelaskan kecenderungan « anarkistik » di Hindia Belanda. Buku yang ditulis oleh Eduard Douwes Dekker pada 1860 tersebut mengkritik keras pemerintah kolonial Hindia Belanda.

Buku tersebut menjadi pemantik bagi gerakan sosialis dan anarkis di berbagai negara. Bahkan, menurut Peter Kropotkin di esai Anarchism dalam The Encyclopedia Britanica, buku tersebut bisa disejajarkan dengan karya Nietzsche, Emerson, W. Lloyd Garrison, Thoreau, Alexander Herzen, dan Edward Carpenter. Tak berlebihan jika Max Havellar menjadi inspirasi gerakan sosialis dan anarkis di berbagai tempat. Seperti si patriotik Filipina, Jose Rizal, yang juga mengagumi buku monumental tersebut dan menjadi ilham bagi perjuangan rakyat di Filipina (Ben, Di Bawah Tiga Bendera, hlm. 71).

Selain Filipina, buku tersebut tersebar ke beberapa negara Eropa Barat. Dan di Belanda, buku tersebut berhasil mempengaruhi para liberal progresif Belanda untuk mendesak reformasi politik yang lebih baik di tanah jajahan, termasuk di Hindia Belanda. Hasilnya, 40 tahun kemudian lahirlah paket kebijakan politik Trias Van Deventer: edukasi, irigasi, dan emigrasi yang disahkan oleh Ratu Wilhemia pada 1901 (Bima, hlm. 37-38).

Walaupun Max Havellar tersebut memberi inspirasi bagi kaum anarkis (Frank van der Goes, Multatuli over Socialisme, 1896), Dekker bukan seorang anarkis. Ia merupakan seorang humanis radikal yang bergerak atas nama kemanusiaan.

Pada 1918, Darsono mengurus koran Sinar Djawa dan mengangkat Semaun—yang saat itu menjadi ketua Sarekat Islam (SI) di Semarang—menjadi anggota redaksi. Di koran tersebut, Darsono memakai nama samaran Onosrad menulis perihal nihilis Rusia. Dalam tulisannya, ia menegaskan bahwa « begitulah perang tandingnya pemuda-pemuda (nihilis) yang gagah berani melawan pemerintah yang berlaku sewenang-wenang, tidak takut di bunuh, tetap hati karena suci, sampai mati. » (Onosrad, Nihilis Rusia dalam Sinar Djawa, 2 April 1918).

Dokumentasi tersebut menunjukkan ada hubungan yang amat lentur dalam tubuh SI. Perbedaan ideologi politik tidak menjadi persoalan. Sebab, bagi mereka musuh yang paling nyata adalah penjajah di tanah Hindia Belanda. Oleh karena itu, bagi Bima, gerakan kiri di Indonesia tidak bisa dilihat secara tunggal. Dalam sejarah Indonesia, ide-ide anarkis hidup dan mewarnai organisasi-organisasi yang bertendensi marxisme dan sosial-demokrat. (Bima, hlm. 89)

Anggota PKI yang seringkali memakai nama samaran pula salah satunya Herujuwono, Ketua Seksi PKI di Pekalongan. Herujuwono bersama Alimin memegang kendali koran Api yang diterbitkan partai yang kini terlarang tersebut. Koran Api seringkali mengutip Bakunin dalam editorialnya sepanjang tahun 1926. Hal inilah yang kemudian menjadi tegangan yang tidak bisa dihindarkan dalam tubuh PKI.

Tulisan lain yang ditulis oleh Sukarno juga memberikan penjelasan yang cukup ringkas apa itu anarkisme. « Anarchisme ialah salah satu paham atau aliran dari socialisme, oleh karenanya anarchisme itu adalah lawannya kapitalisme … anarkis itu mufakat sekali dengan persoonlikje vrijheid, ialah kemerdekaan sendiri-sendiri, oleh karena kemerdekaan itu adalah haknya alam yang tidak bisa dihancurkan, » ungkap Sukarno (Fikiran Ra’jat, No. 2, 8 Juli 1932)

Gerakan anarkis sama-sama hancur ketika Tragedi 1965 memusnahkan semua gerakan kiri di Indonesia. Gerakan ini baru muncul kembali ketika pada 1980-an bersama ramainya komunitas punk dan beberapa gerakan otonom di berbagai daerah. Bahkan, gerakan anarkis bernama Front Anti-Fasis (FAF) pernah bergabung bersama Partai Rakyat Demokatik (PRD) pada 1999. Kelompok ini secara terbuka mendaku diri sebagai anarko-punk yang terdiri dari komunitas punk, anak jalanan, pemuda, dan preman. Selain itu, pada Desember 1999 muncul Jaringan Anti Fasis Nusantara (JAFNus) yang diinisiasi oleh FAF. FAF kemudian membubarkan diri setelah kongres kedua yang gagal di Yogyakarta pada tahun 2000. Serta, seperti kasus-kasus sebelumnya, ada perbedaan prinsipil yang membuat kelompok ini harus berpisah dengan PRD (Bima, hlm. 218).

Anarkisme menemukan momen kemunculannya pada 2007 dengan membentuk Jaringan Anti-Otoritarian (JAO). Jaringan ini terdiri dari berbagai afinitas, kelompok, dan komunitas anarkis di berbagai daerah di Indonesia. Dalam sejarah Indonesia pasca-Reformasi, bendera hitam pertama kali berkibar pada May Day 2008. Saat itu, JAO melakukan aksi long march di Jakarta dari STIE Perbanas ke Wisma Bakrie.

Selain itu, pada 9 Desember 2009, puluhan anarkis-insurgen memancing kerusuhan pada Hari Anti Korupsi se-Dunia.

Sampai saat ini, gerakan anarkisme dengan beragam varian tersebar di berbagai wilayah Indonesia ketika May Day 2019. Selama ada kekuasaan modal dan menindas rakyat, semangat kaum anarkis akan terus menyala dan merayakan May Day secara sukarela.

Oleh karena itu, tidak tepat bila gerakan anarkis di Indonesia sebagai gerakan yang baru muncul seperti kata Pak Polisi Tito Karnavian beberapa waktu lalu.

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Anarchism Movement and Ideas in Indonesia
Suhairi Ahmad – detikNews
Suhairi Ahmad
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Anarchism Movement and Ideas in Indonesia Photo: IG daunmalam.katalog
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Book Title: War We Will Not Win: Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial Movement until the Indonesian Revolution 1908-1948; Author: Bima Satria Putra; Publisher: Catut Library, 2018; Thickness: xxiii + 225 p

Anarchism is often referred to as the culprit of violence and this has reached its peak in Indonesia. The mass media are using the diction to explain everything related to brutality, riots and other destruction. This view seems final to understand and understand anarchism. Like other isms, he also became a victim of language that was distorted in everyday conversation.

However, there are other things when in May Day 2019 some time ago. The police call the emergence of syndicalist anarcho is a new phenomenon that is developing in Indonesia (detikcom, 2/5). Though this movement emerged and was as old as the national movement since the beginning of the national movement in Indonesia. Anarchism was once one of the variants of the movement that had contributed to the popular uprising against the Dutch colonial government.

The term Anarchism itself comes from the Greek word « anarchy ». Consists of two words, the prefix (or a) which means nothing, nothing or lack. Then proceed with the word archos which means a rule, leader, head, or power. So anarchos / anarchein means without government. Without this government, which then becomes the core related to anarchism, without government in the form of the state as the highest authority. It literally means without rules, without leaders, without masters.

Anarchism emerged as one of the socialist movements long before Marxism developed in Europe in the 18th century (Ben Anderson, Under the Three Flags). Key figures for anarchist thinkers include Piere Joseph Proudhon whose mind had developed in the socialist revolution without a party, the Paris Commune (1871). In addition, Mikhail Bakunin had performed at International I and was a fierce debate opponent for Karl Marx. At the forum, Bakunin and Marx disagreed over the transition period after capitalism, whether or not it needed to dictate the proletariat. The dispute did not come to light between the two camps and in 1872 the anarchist camp with Bakunin was expelled from the International I. Then a few years later the alliance of the socialist movement dissolved itself.

Not many historians are aware of the existence of anarchism in Indonesia. One of those who was aware of the anarchist element was Soe Hok Gie. Gie read the tendency of nihilism in Sarekat Islam in Semarang which incidentally has the tendency of Marxism. (Soe Hok Gie, Under the Red Lantern, p. 40)

Nihilism is in some ways different from anarchism. However, its political orientation with anarchism has the same incision to destroy authority, including the authority of oppressive colonial organizations and government leaders.

The lack of literature that explains the existence of anarchism in Indonesia makes this one political ideology often misinterpreted and even considered to have never existed in the history of the national movement. Many consider that anarchism only entered when the punk community was present in the 1980s. This book of War that We Won’t Win, written by Bima Satria Putra, provides an important picture of anarchism in the history of Indonesia.

Anarchism emerged with a big wave when communism and nationalism became the imagination of a revolt against the colonial government. Max Havellar became the first book to explain the « anarchistic » tendency in the Dutch East Indies. The book, written by Eduard Douwes Dekker in 1860, strongly criticized the Dutch East Indies colonial government.

The book is a lighter for socialist and anarchist movements in various countries. In fact, according to Peter Kropotkin in Anarchism’s essay in The Encyclopedia Britanica, the book can be paralleled by the works of Nietzsche, Emerson, W. Lloyd Garrison, Thoreau, Alexander Herzen, and Edward Carpenter. It is no exaggeration if Max Havellar has inspired socialist and anarchist movements in various places. Like the Filipino patriotic, Jose Rizal, who also admired the monumental book and became an inspiration for the people’s struggle in the Philippines (Ben, Under the Three Flags, p. 71).

Besides the Philippines, the book was spread to several Western European countries. And in the Netherlands, the book succeeded in influencing Dutch progressive liberals to push for better political reform in the colonies, including in the Dutch East Indies. As a result, 40 years later the Trias Van Deventer political policy package was born: education, irrigation, and emigration which was endorsed by Queen Wilhemia in 1901 (Bima, pp. 37-38).


Although the Max Havellar inspired anarchists (Frank van der Goes, Multatuli over Socialisme, 1896), Dekker was not an anarchist. He is a radical humanist who moves in the name of humanity.

In 1918, Darsono managed the Sinar Djawa newspaper and appointed Semaun, who was then the head of the Sarekat Islam (SI) in Semarang, to become an editorial member. In the newspaper, Darsono used the pseudonym Onosrad to write about Russian nihilists. In his writings, he asserted that « that is the fight of young men (nihilists) who are valiant against the government that applies arbitrarily, are not afraid of being killed, remain careful because they are holy, until death. » (Onosrad, Russian Nihilis in Sinar Djawa, 2 April 1918).

The documentation shows that there is a very flexible relationship in the SI body. Differences in political ideology are not a problem. Because, for them the most obvious enemy was the invaders in the Netherlands East Indies land. Therefore, for Bima, the left movement in Indonesia cannot be seen singly. In Indonesian history, anarchist ideas live and color organizations with Marxist and social-democratic tendencies. (Milky, p. 89)

PKI members who often use pseudonyms are also one of them Herujuwono, Chair of the PKI Section in Pekalongan. Herujuwono and Alimin took control of the newspaper Api which was published by the now banned party. The Fire Newspaper often quoted Bakunin in his editorial throughout 1926. This then became an inevitable tension in the body of the PKI.

Other writings written by Sukarno also provide a fairly concise explanation of what anarchism is. « Anarchism is one of the ideas or the flow of socialism, therefore anarchism is the opposite of capitalism … anarchists are very much in agreement with persoonlikje vrijheid, is individual independence, because independence is the right of nature that cannot be destroyed, » said Sukarno (Ra’jat Thoughts, No. 2, 8 July 1932)

The anarchist movement was equally destroyed when the 1965 Tragedy annihilated all leftist movements in Indonesia. This movement only reappeared when in the 1980s with the hectic punk community and several autonomous movements in various regions. In fact, an anarchist movement called the Anti-Fascist Front (FAF) once joined the Democratic People’s Party (PRD) in 1999. This group openly claimed to be an anarcho-punk consisting of punk communities, street children, youth, and thugs. In addition, in December 1999 the Anti-Fascist Archipelago Network (JAFNus) emerged, initiated by the FAF. The FAF then disbanded after the second unsuccessful congress in Yogyakarta in 2000. And, like the previous cases, there were differences in principles which made the group split with the PRD (Bima, p. 218).

Anarchism found its moment of emergence in 2007 by forming the Anti-Authoritarian Network (JAO). This network consists of various affinity, groups and anarchist communities in various regions in Indonesia. In Indonesia’s post-Reformation history, the black flag first flew on May Day 2008. At that time, JAO held a long march in Jakarta from STIE Perbanas to Wisma Bakrie.

In addition, on December 9, 2009, dozens of anarchist-insurgents provoked riots on World Anti-Corruption Day.

Until now, anarchism movements with various variants spread across various regions of Indonesia during May Day 2019. As long as there is capital power and oppressing the people, the spirit of anarchists will continue to ignite and celebrate May Day voluntarily.

Therefore, it is not appropriate if the anarchist movement in Indonesia as a new movement emerged as said by Police Tito Karnavian some time ago.

https://news.detik.com/kolom/d-4554662/gerakan-dan-ide-anarkisme-di-indonesia?

LE POUVOIR DU PEUPLE (PEOPLE’S POWER)

Le texte suivant a été écrit par la bibliothèque anarchiste indonesienne pustakacatut

Le texte suivant a été écrit par la bibliothèque anarchiste indonesienne pustakacatut

«  » Le pouvoir du peuple « ne se résume pas à une mobilisation de masse pour participer à des manifestations nationales dans les rues. Il ne s’agit pas d’une action parfaitement planifiée ni d’une action centralisée et dirigée. Il  ne vient pas non plus uniquement de groupes uniformes et facilement identifiés. Plus important encore, cela ne fait jamais partie de l’agenda de la bourgeoisie, des investisseurs, des propriétaires des moyens de production, et des riches.

Le « pouvoir du peuple » est à l’opposé de tout cela. Le « pouvoir du peuple » est le point d’ébullition. Il est né généralement de manière organique lors des crises socio-politiques. Il est composé de divers acteurs, avec des demandes diverses, des tactiques diverses. Cependant, ces diverses demandes convergent vers une demande commune qui voit le jour même sans un processus de consensus préalable. C’est [un mouvement] spontané et non planifié car il provient d’un changement de conscience de la pensée critique de la majorité de la population, de sorte qu’il ne serve que les intérêts et les besoins de la majorité de la population (c’est-à-dire : les classes opprimées).

La montée de la politique autoritaire en Indonésie, qui est camouflée dans l’expression et le slogan de « mouvement démocratique » est ironique. La force et la concentration de toute la population a été polarisée et concentrée sur les intrigues des deux camps [politique se battant pour gagner les élections présidentielles], occultant l’urgence d’un mouvement populaire, lequel grandit avec difficulté. [Les politiciens] ne reconnaissent pas d’autres logiques que la logique binaire [Parti] 01 ou [Parti] 02. Ils ne s’intéressent pas au courant de groupes indépendants qui ne leur sont pas liés, et ils ne s’intéressent à rien en dehors des deux candidats à la présidentielle. Ils réduisent l’esprit [de la Politique] la seule formule : si vous être opposés au [parti du] régime, alors vous êtes [du parti de] l’opposition. Il n’y a pas de « pouvoir du peuple » aujourd’hui. Mais le changement de conscience qui enflammera [le peuple] va croissant dans l’esprit des agriculteurs et des pêcheurs déplacés, dans l’esprit des travailleurs qui luttent contre les licenciements et la répression des syndicats, dans celui des combattants de l’environnement qui surmontent la crise écologique, dans celui des femmes qui luttent contre la violence sexuelle, des lycéens et des étudiants qui réalisent l’effondrement du système éducatif et dans l’esprit d’une foule silencieuse lisant dans un kioske de lecture en bord de la route, son esprit flottant haut et tricotant l’imagination du futur. Nous affirmons que – en dehors des émeutes et des conflits civils [qu’ills soient sociaux, agraires ou environnementaux] – il n’existe pas de « pouvoir populaire » aujourd’hui. Il n’est pas encore né. Nous le savons avec certitude parce que nous le portons encore [dans nos cœurs]. »

COUPE DU MONDE, FRIC IMMONDE

Il n’y a pas que les gilets jaunes ou les grèves dans la vie … Il y a le foot aussi !

En ce moment c’est la coupe du monde féminine … Une opportunité toute trouvée pour les Etats d’exciter la fibre nationaliste, et pour la FIFA de se parer de vertus féministes à bas coût mais avec un maximum de profit. Enfin, pas trop féministe non plus, les supportrices argentines n’ayant pas pu porter leur foulard vert pour soutenir le droit à l’avortement dans ce pays. Trop dangereux pour l’image des sponsors ?

Il n’y a pas que les gilets jaunes ou les grèves dans la vie … Il y a le foot aussi !

En ce moment c’est la coupe du monde féminine … Une opportunité toute trouvée pour les Etats d’exciter la fibre nationaliste, et pour la FIFA de se parer de vertus féministes à bas coût mais avec un maximum de profit. Enfin, pas trop féministe non plus, les supportrices argentines n’ayant pas pu porter leur foulard vert pour soutenir le droit à l’avortement dans ce pays. Trop dangereux pour l’image des sponsors ?

Les sponsors parlons-en : la coupe du monde féminine de football est une nouvelle opportunité majeure pour l’équipementier leader. Nike équipe 14 des 24 sélections de la compétition. La présentation des maillots officiels a été l’occasion pour NIKE de lancer sa stratégie de conquête des consommatrices. La FIFA espère qu’un milliard de téléspectateur suivra la finale. C’est aussi la première fois qu’un maillot est spécialement conçu et fabriqué pour des femmes.

Le rapport du Collectif « Ethique sur l’étiquette » intitulé « Anti-jeu. Les sponsors laissent (encore) les travailleurs sur la touche », et publié en 2018, montre comment Nike, mais aussi ADIDAS et tous les équipementiers, ont adopté un modèle économique visant essentiellement l’accroissement de la valeur immatérielle de leur marque, en investissant de manière prioritaire (et démesurée) dans le sponsoring et le marketing. Ce modèle se traduit par une pression toujours lus forte pour faire baisser les coûts de main-d’œuvre, qui est très majoritairement féminine. Résultat, dans les usines de fabrication, situées principalement en Asie, les travailleuses touchent des salaires nettement inférieurs au nécessaire pour vivre dignement – un salaire vital – alors que les profits s’envolent.

Sur un maillot vendu 85 euros, les ouvrières touchent 60 CENTIMES. La marque elle fait une marge de 30 € et avec le distributeur (magasins de sport, grandes surface, etc …) ils empochent 92% du prix net !!!

Le Capitalisme n’est par « fair-play », c’est une compétition truquée où ce sont toujours les plus riches, les plus forts qui gagnent. Il est temps d’arrêter d’être spectateurs de l’exploitation et de siffler la fin de la partie !

La force d’une équipe c’est la solidarité. La force des travailleurs aussi.

Soutenez les ouvrières en lutte pour leur dignité, en Asie comme ailleurs.

CNT-AIT Paris / Banlieue

Pour en savoir plus :

https://coupedumondefricimmonde.wordpress.com

https://ethique-sur-etiquette.org

ANARCHISM IN INDONESIA

ANARCHISM IN INDONESIA

by Vadim Damier and Kirill Limanov

The leftist movement in Dutch East Indies emerged first under the influence of the Social Democratic and Socialist currents of the Netherlands. Anarchist ideas were little known (1), although one of the first critics of the Dutch colonial system was the writer-anarchist Eduard Douwes Dekker, known under the pseudonym « Multatuli » (1820-1887). Working in the years 1842-1856 in the colonial administration in the Dutch East Indies (even before his turning to anarchism), he became acquainted with the brutality of colonialism and made accusatory speeches, works of art and articles, trying to raise public opinion against the colonialists. At the beginning of the 20th century, the texts of Multatuli exerted a significant influence on the anarchist and syndicalist workers in the Netherlands (2).

Grandnephew of Multatuli, Ernest François Eugène Douwes Dekker (1879 – 1950), a native of the European-Indonesian family, became one of the leaders of the anti-colonial movement in the archipelago. During his trip to Europe in 1910 – 1911, he established contacts with activists of radical movements for the liberation of the colonies, including with the Indian Shyamaji Krishnavarma, who later described him as a « political anarchist, » adherent to the tactics of individual acts and assassinations. In the magazine « Het Tijdschrift », published by E.F.E. Douwes Dekker in Java since 1911, articles of foreign left and radical authors were published, including of Krishnavarma and Indian anarchist Har Dayal. The publisher stressed himself in the materials he wrote that, given the curtailment of workers’ rights in Europe itself, he does not believe that parliamentary democracy can be useful for the society that he seeks to create. He hinted at the possibility of using revolutionary violence, although he added that the proposed revolutionary path does not necessarily imply truly violent methods. In February 1913, he openly wrote that resistance against colonialism is a moral duty, since no matter how « soft » the colonial regime is, this system is always based on inequality, injustice and the privileges of rulers, and therefore inevitably is a form of despotism and tyranny. As methods of struggle, Douwes Dekker mentioned demonstrations, agitation, revolution, passive resistance, strikes (especially in the sphere of communications and transport), boycott and insurrection. He welcomed modern revolutionary movements in various countries of the world and, following the anarchist and socialist propagandists in Europe, welcomed sabotage and syndicalism, condemning reformist socialism. He called Jesus Christ « a glorious anarchist » and a fighter for freedom (3). Nevertheless, when in 1912 Douwes Dekker created the radical nationalist Indian Party, there was nothing of anarchism in its program and in the activities of this organization.

Trade unions that emerged in the Dutch East Indies from the first decade of the twentieth century, were influenced by Marxist socialists, who in May 1914 created the Indian Social Democratic Union (ISDU). Its members also worked actively in the colonial army and navy, in the Union of the lower ranks of the fleet, and during the First World War – in the Union of Soldiers and Sailors, which in November 1918 acted as the organizer of the uprising of soldiers and naval sailors in Surabaya and the formation of the Council of Soldiers ‘and Sailors’ Deputies . Despite the hegemony of Social-Democracy in this movement, there are references to the influence of anarchists, although it is not entirely clear from sources whether they were conscious supporters of anarchist ideas, or whether this definition simply served to denote radical and « subversive » sentiments.

Thus, reporting on the demonstration of military seamen in Surabaya on May 7, 1916, which was caused by discontent with poor treatment, nutrition and treatment, lack of hygiene and indignation because of war profits, the local newspaper « Soerabaijasch Nieuwsblad » mentioned that a certain « a very young sailor with obviously anarchist ideas » tried to persuade his comrades not to stop themselves at violations of the law. The demonstration was held without the approval of the leadership of the Sailors’ Union and was accompanied by clashes with the police. During the shootout, 5 people were injured. The Social Democrats hardly managed to stop the protest; in the course of subsequent repressions, one of the organizers was sentenced to 8 months in prison, and 47 sailors were dismissed (4). The leadership of the Dutch Union of the lower ranks of the fleet criticized its branch in Surabaya for not having vigorously distanced itself from the speech, and the leader of the Social Democratic Workers’ Party of the Netherlands, Pieter Jelles Troelstra, complained that the leadership of the union lost control, as a result of which « to the anarchist elements among the personnel was given a free hand » (5). The party declared that it was necessary to fight the « anarchist elements » in the Union of Soldiers (6), while the commander of the Royal Dutch East Indies Army, Van Rietschoten, called for counteracting the fact that the military are joining the unions and associations that make a « propaganda in a purely anarchist direction » (7).

The propaganda work in Dutch East Indies was conducted by Dutch Christian anarchists and Tolstoyans who organized the Movement for a Clean Life in the Netherlands in 1901. On January 1, 1907, the movement begun to publish the monthly « Levenskracht », edited by Dirk Lodewijk Willem van Mierop (1876 – 1930), later one of the organizers of the Union of Religious Anarcho-Communists. The publication advocated non-violence, life on the nature, natural clothes, vegetarianism, etc. Through him, active agitation was also conducted in the Dutch East Indies, where in 1923 a branch of this movement was formed (8).

Chinese anarchists tried to spread revolutionary ideas among the Chinese population of the Netherlands. Anarchist Zhang Ji, a future participant of the Tokyo Asian Solidarity Society in 1907, spent some time in Java, where he translated from the English language that part of the book « The History of Java, » which dealt with the resistance of Chinese immigrants to the Dutch colonial power. His translation was published in « Zhongguo ribao », published in Hong Kong as an organ of Chinese revolutionaries (9).

The work of Chinese anarchists in the Dutch East Indies began before the First World War, and activists acted in close contact with like-minded people in China, the Philippines and British Malaya. Initially, the revolutionaries of different views grouped around the Chinese reading houses, which began to open throughout the archipelago since 1909 and served as a kind of political association opposing to the Dutch and Chinese authorities, creating newspapers (« Hoa Tok Po »,  » Soematra Po « , etc.) (10). After the overthrow of the monarchy in China in 1911, the anarchists focused on organizing the labor movement and spreading the ideas of the social revolution. They conducted work, in particular, through the offices of the « Workers’ Party » (Gongdang / Kungtong), which, in fact, acted not as a political union, but as a sort of working association or trade union organization. At the initiative of the Bureau of Communications of the Workers’ Party in the South Seas (Southeast Asia), which was based in Singapore, its branches were established in the cities of the Dutch East Indies as Makassar (Celebes), Batavia, Surabaya (on Java) and Kupang (western part of the island of Timor) (11).

Apparently, the first anarchist cells arose between 1914 and 1916, as indicated by the Review of the Anarchist Movement in the South Seas. In this report, published in the Chinese anarchist publication in 1927, it was mentioned that in the Dutch East Indies there were « many comrades who did their best to spread the propaganda of « Minsheng  » (« Voices of the People « ) in the ports on the islands South-East Asia » (12). The newspaper « Minsheng » was founded in 1913 in southern China by the anarchist Liu Shifu and was published until 1916 and in 1921. It was widely distributed also among the Chinese outside of China.

Former activist of the Sun Yatsen`s « United League », Bai Binzhou (Pai Pinchow), who formerly headed the Batavian newspaper « Hoa Tok Poe), and Wang Yuting (1892 – 1967), arrived in 1918 from Kuala Lumpur, published the anarcho-communist newspaper « Zhenli Bao » (« Voice of Truth ») in Semarang on the Java (13). In 1918, anarchist Liu Shixin, brother of Shifu, began editing the publication of the newspaper « Soematra Po » (« Sumendala Bao » / « The Newspaper of Sumatra ») (14), in the district of Deli (Medan) (15).

According to the memoirs of Liu Shixin, he went to Southeast Asia in the summer of 1918 with a group of 6 or 7 people. Originally they stopped in Singapore, but then they moved to Sumatra « for propaganda of socialism, having no overall plan and organization, with a very naive practice ». Soon they attracted the attention of the local police, who called them « Bushiwei » (« Bolsheviks ») (16).

By 1919, on the islands of the Indonesian archipelago, small groups of the « Society for the Truth of the Southern Seas » based in Singapore were formed, which disseminated materials on anarchism (17). The central figure in the « Society of Truth », as the Chinese researcher Li Danyang says, was Liu Shixin (18). In April 1919 in Semarang, the Chinese workers created the « Workers’ Party », which in fact stood on the positions of anarchism. Its paper was the « Zhenli Bao » mentioned above, which was published twice a month. The active agitation in this newspaper was led by the anarchist Wu Dunmin, who lived in British Malaya. To the British authorities in Selangor he explained during the interrogation that « Zhenli Bao » is published by the « Workers’ Party » with a view to « promoting human rights ». In fact, he openly propagated anarchist ideas in this publication. So, in an editorial on the case of May 1, 1919, he welcomed the working class of the whole world and the achievements of the socialist movement, declared that in order to achieve « a free and happy communist land of mutual aid » workers must shake off the « enslaving shackles of the rich » to carry out anarchism (19). In the same year, Bai Binzhou and Wang Yuting founded the newspaper « Sanbaolong Yuebao » (« The Voice of the Semarang »), which was published until 1922 (20).

Anarchist work was also conducted through the local branches of the Chinese « Workers ‘Union », or « Workers’ Party » in Surabaya and other cities (21). According to British intelligence, the authorities of the Dutch East Indies in 1918-1920-ies. experienced great problems with the anarchist societies of the Chinese in Java, Sumatra and Celebes. During the police searches and seizure, a lot of documents were confiscated, indicating the connection of local Chinese anarchists with societies in China and Singapore (22). Already in 1918, according to the East Cost of Sumatra Institute, the activity of workers’ organizations was noted, whose « economic motives » had a « political ground ». Particular attention was paid to the distribution of Chinese and Malay newspapers, which expressed « revolutionary and socialist ideas ». The unrest on the plantations was accompanied by repeated attacks on Dutch administrators (23).

In response to the intensification of propaganda, the Dutch authorities arrested two editors of « Soematra Po » in March 1919, including Liu Shixin (in British documents he appeared as Shek Sam), and other anarchists in Medan, and also Zhong Fen in Makasar, on island of Celebes. The grounds for the arrest were the « compromising documents » discovered by them during the search, with plans for what was called « a major Bolshevik propaganda campaign » (24). After 52 days in custody, Liu Shixin was deported from the Dutch East Indies for propagating the ideas of anarcho-communism and the Russian revolution. By the summer of 1919, he returned to Guangzhou (25). Arrested in Java, Wang Yuting and Bai Binzhou were deported to Hong Kong in early September 1919 (26). Also, Zhong Fen and other most active agitators were deported from the country (27).

Despite these repressions, it was not immediately possible to defeat the anarchist movement. In the 1920 – 1921 in Sumatra, a wave of strikes broke out on the railways of the Deli Railway Company, the largest of which was at the beginning of September 1920. Five thousand contracted worker-coolie and 10,000 civilian railway workers demanding a salary increase joined the strike, and employees of post and telegraph too. Local peasants sympathized with the strikers, supplied them with rice and other food (28). Some participants in the strike called for reprisals against Dutch colonial officials (29). The troops were pulled into the Deli area, canons were directed against the building where workers’ assemblies were held (30). Intending to decapitate the strike, the local administration arrested ten activists at the very beginning, charging them with breach of contract, and hundreds of workers went to prison together with the arrested, saying: « in prison we will be better fed than in our enterprises ». The result was that those arrested were released (31). Under threat of dismissal of all participants of strike after 15 days of struggle performance has been stopped.

The inspirer of the strike campaign, according to the authorities, was an anarchist-communist Zhang Shimei (32) from Fuzhou (in the Chinese province of Fujian), who came to Medan from Singapore. Details of his biography, cited in various sources, diverge (33). It is known that he spoke beautifully in Malay, and the administration was afraid that Zhang would continue anarchist propaganda even in custody. Therefore, he was exiled to New Guinea. In 1923, he was pardoned by a royal amnesty and deported to Singapore (34).

The decline of anarchist work in the archipelago was caused not only by repression, but also by the disappearance of the movement in neighboring Malaya. Although as far back as 1926-1927, a branch of the pro-syndicalist Union of Mechanics of Hong Kong operated in East Indies (35).

One of the last traces of the presence of Chinese anarchists in the Dutch East Indies was the activity of Fu Wumen, who led headed various anarchist publications between 1918 and 1924, and in September 1928 came to Surabaya. Until 1929, he was the editor-in-chief of the newspaper « Dagong Shangbao » (36). However, there is no evidence of his participation in the anarchist movement during this period.

In the Netherlands, some Indonesian students had contacts with Dutch anarchists. Having found themselves in a much more free environment than under the colonial regime in the archipelago, many students established links with left-wing political forces (including Social Democrats, revolutionary socialists, and Communists), and took part in the work of the International League against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression, at whose congresses also anarchist anti-militarists spoke (38). Some of the students showed interest in anarchism. Among them was, for example, the future first prime minister of the Indonesian Republic (1945 – 1947) Sutan Sjahrir. As Salomon Tas – the former chairman of the Social Democratic Student Club, with whom Sjahrir had been in close contact soon after his arrival in Amsterdam in 1929 – recalled, his new friend « moved farther and farther to the left in search of radical comrades », until finally met with a handful of anarchists who lived in the commune. However, Sjahrir, according to Tas, quickly moved away from this and became interested in socialism in a « more practical » form (39). After gaining independence, Sjahrir became the head of the Socialist Party of Indonesia.

The fact that the young Indonesian nationalists, ultimately, did not find a common language with the anarchists of the Netherlands, is not accidental. Although these latter were resolute opponents of colonialism, they were sharply critical of the idea of creating new national states. The Dutch anarchists emphasized that national independence would not eliminate the exploited position of the workers in the colonies, but would only replace the oppression of the colonialists by the oppression of their own bourgeoisie, their own militarism, and so on. Speaking at an anti-colonial congress in Brussels in 1927, the representative of the International Antimilitarist Commission, anarcho-syndicalist Arthur Müller-Lehning, warned the oppressed peoples to follow the example of the West and create new states. He urged them to renew social life in the spirit of eliminating classes (40). And at the Congress of the League against Imperialism in Frankfurt am Main (1929), the delegate of the International Anti-militarist Bureau, anarchist Bart de Ligt, declared that the struggle should not only be waged against colonialism and the imperialism of the « white » powers, but also against nationalism and the rudiments of imperialism among oppressed nations; not for the power of the national bourgeoisie, but for the « free and open International … of all languages and races ». He linked the struggle for the creation of independent national states with the desire of the elites of the oppressed nations to independent domination. « Everywhere in this part of the world we see the emergence of a native bourgeois class that yearns to create its power on the basis of the exploitation of the broad masses of its countries ». This new class certainly struggles there for national independence, but at the same time it is building a new economic system borrowed from the white bourgeoisie… » – explained the Dutch antimilitarist. He called for a struggle against militarism in the liberation movements, against « anti-imperialist militarism, » which, as the experience of China shows, could only lead to a new imperialism. Support, in his opinion, was worth only unarmed and non-militaristic movements (41). It is clear that such statements could not be popular among activists who were eager to create their own national bourgeois state.

By the time of the proclamation of Indonesia’s independence in 1945, there were no signs of the existence of an anarchist movement in any form in the country. The political elite of the new state used the label « anarchism » to condemn their opponents and the « grassroots » appearances of the workers that were unsuitable for it. After the fall of 1945 workers began to spontaneously seize railroads, industrial enterprises and plantations, establishing working control over them, and local authorities dubbed this movement « anarcho-syndicalism. » As the researcher Jafar Suryomengolo points out, this term was borrowed from Marxist literature to describe the danger and risks of workers getting out of state control, but the label was not meant to describe the actual process of workers’ control, but to reject and condemn the phenomenon. Abdulmajid, who led the Indonesian students after the departure of the Hatta, and other socialists « brought » this expression from Holland. In February 1946, Vice President Hatta openly attacked « syndicalism, » speaking at an economic conference in Yogyakarta, and by the spring of 1946 the enterprises had passed under the control of the state (42). President Sukarno, in turn, feared the « anarcho-syndicalist » tendencies in the Indonesian Workers’ Party created by the trade unions (43). But these accusations had nothing to do with the real anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist movement.

Anarchism reappeared on the archipelago only in the 1990s. In the years 1993-1994, an Indonesian punk scene emerged. Gradually, part of it turned to anti-dictatorship and anti-fascist activity; they established links with social movements and with the labour movement. As the Indonesian activists themselves described, the anarchist movement arose around 1998. « At that time anarchy was synonymous with punk, and some people in this community began to take a deeper interest in anarchist ideology and values. Since that time, anarchist discourse began to develop among individuals and collectives in punk / hardcore community, and later in a wider range of groups of activists, students, workers … « . Discussions began on how to create groups and organizations on a non-hierarchical and decentralized basis. The first, as yet unstable, groups and small magazines were published, in which various problems of social movements were discussed: questions of feminism, anarchist values, anti-capitalism, social resistance, antiglobalism, ecology, etc. Access to the Internet facilitated the spread of anarchism. A serious problem was the lack of anarchist literature in Indonesian languages, and brochures by M. Bakunin, E. Goldman, R. Rocker were translated and published … (44)

The participation of young Indonesian anarchists in social movements began with shares in distributing food to the needy (« Food not bombs »), supporting protests and anti-fascist work. So, in August-September 1999, the activists of the Bandung Antifascist Front supported the struggle of the striking workers of the Rimba Aristama factory, organized solidarity and demonstration actions. In December 1999, representatives of radical youth anti-fascist groups from all over Indonesia convened the first meeting of the « Antifascist Network of Nusantara » in Yogyakarta, which had an anarchist orientation (45).

Several congresses were held. The groups were unstable, often disintegrated and replaced with new ones. At the very end of the 1990’s and at early 2000’s, the Committee for the Action of the Oppressed People and the Anti-Fascist Anti-racist Action existed for some time in Jakarta, and there was an info-shop « Brainwashing Corporation » trying to spread information about anarchism and theory. In Bandung, the « Countercultural collective » was active, practicing direct action « in everyday life »; the « Mutual Aid Forum » existed in Malang. In 2001, a group of anarchists from Western Java proclaimed (as opposed to countercultural orientation) the idea of forming an « anarcho-party » and an anarcho-syndicalist movement.

At the beginning of the XXI century, the anarchist movement in Indonesia remained dispersed; different groups and individual activists adhered to different versions of anarchism and tactical forms. Nevertheless, they were able to join their efforts to implement joint projects, such as holding May Day demonstrations. Thus, in the organization of the procession, on May 1, 2007, groups such as Affinitas (Yogyakarta), Jarangan Otonomis (Jakarta), Apocalypse (Bandung), Jarangan Autonomus Kota (Salatiga), individual activists from Bali and Semarang, as well as people from the punk band of Jakarta. This unification for a specific action was called « Jarangan anti-otoritarian » (« Anti-authoritarian network »). The May Day action of 2007 gathered more than 100 people and marked the emergence of anarchism on the public stage. After that, new groups appeared in different cities, and anarchists took an active part in social protests, actions against the construction of nuclear power plants, etc. (46)

On May Day 2008, 200 people took part in the anarchist demonstration. Although this time groups from Bandung (« Apokalypse ») and Salatiga (« The Melavan Syndicate « ) refused to support it, the holding was undertaken by the capital collectives and « Affinitas » from Yogyakarta. The action was directed against large corporations and ended in clashes with police near the building of the corporation of millionaire and politicians Bakri. Participants in the procession were arrested. The repression of 2008 May Day slowed the growth of the young anarchist movement in the country. Some groups broke up. Nevertheless, new activists and groups emerged who continued to participate in the social struggle, including in radical forms, including clashes, acts of sabotage and expropriation. By 2010, anarchist groups and activists operated on the islands of Java (in Jakarta, Bandung, Jogjakarta, Pati, Surabaya, Rembang, Randublatung, Salatiga, Porong), Sumatra (in Palembang, Pekanbar, Medan, Ace), Kalimantan (in Balikpapan), Sulawesi (former Celebes – in Makassar, Manado and Gorontalo) and in Bali (47). May Day manifestations were held regularly in Jakarta. Some Indonesian anarchists were now interested in anarcho-syndicalism (48). So, in the beginning of 2010th. a group of activists from Surabaya created a small initiative, the Syndicate of Workers’ Power, which claims its anarcho-syndicalist orientation and in 2012 assisted employees of the Garmondo Jaya garment factory in Bogor during a labor conflict (49).

In 2016, with the support of the Anarcho-syndicalist Federation of Australia, the « Brotherhood of Anarcho-Syndicalist Workers » (Persaudaraan pekerja anarko syndicalis, PPAS) was organized. It describes itself as a « libertarian labor movement » based on the principles of anarcho-syndicalism, proclaims its goal « a society based on freedom, mutual assistance, federalism and self-administration » and simultaneously intends to fight for the daily improvement of the situation of the working people (50). The « Brotherhood » called on all interested trade unions and individual activists to join it. The activists of the group took part in the May Day manifestations in 2016 and 2017. On November 1, 2016, Indonesian anarcho-syndicalists participated in mass protests of workers of Surabaya against a low level of wages. By autumn 2017, the PPAS included local groups in Jakarta and Surabaya, as well as some members of the independent trade union of taxi drivers Uber (KUMAN). The latter was created with the support of the PPAS and united up to 500 members in various cities of Indonesia. In the summer-autumn of 2017, the taxi drivers union entered into the first serious labor conflict with the Uber administration, seeking to increase pay and improve working conditions; a strike and demonstrations were organized. The action was supported by the anarcho-syndicalist International, the International Workers Association (IWA). At the call of IWA, on September 7, in a number of countries around the world, actions of solidarity with the struggle of Indonesian drivers were held (51). Members of the IWA Secretariat who visited Indonesia in September 2017 conducted a series of lectures and discussions on anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism that took place at the headquarters of the PPAS in Jakarta and in the premises of an anarchist group in Yogyakarta.

NOTES

(1) The well-known historian of anarchism Max Nettlau believed even that in Indonesia, it seems, « only communist propaganda was available ». Cf. M. Nettlau. A Short History of Anarchism. London, 1996. P. 259.

(2) J.M. Welcker. Eduard Douwes Dekker // Biografisch Woordenboek van het Socialisme en de Arbeiderbeweging in Nederland. 5. 1992. P.45–58 – http://hdl.handle.net/10622/5E1ECE1F-ED0F-4D66-89F3-2726DFACF952

(3) K. van Dijk. The Nederlands Indies and the Great War, 1914 – 1918. Leiden, 2007. P.47–50. Members of the Indian Social Democratic Union characterized Douwes Dekker as a « nationalist anarchist » (cf. Socialisme en Indonesiё. Vol.1. De Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereening, 1897 – 1917. Bronnenpublicatie / Bewerkt en ingeleid door F. Tichelman. Dordrecht, Cinnamisson, 1985. Р.187). The Dutch Social Democratic leader Henri van Kohl called him an « anarchist of action » (cf. J.W. Schilt. 100 jaar Indonesische onafhelijkheidsstrijd: Ernest Douwes Dekker en de Indische Partij // website « NPO Geschiedenis » –
http://www.npogeschiedenis.nl/nieuws/2014/februari/Ernest-Douwes-Dekker-…).

(4) R.L. Blom, Th. Stelling Niet voor God en niet voor Vaderland. Linkse soldaten, matrozen en hun organisaties tijdens de mobilisatie van `14 – `18. Amsterdam, 2004. P.741–743.

(5) Ibid. P.745–746.

(6) Ibid. P.780, 782.

(7) Ibid. P.809.

(8) P. Hoekman. Dirk Lodewijk Willem van Mierop // Biografisch Woordenboek van het Socialisme en de Arbeiderbeweging in Nederland. 6. 1995. P.142–147 – http://hdl.handle.net/10622/8749DD55-7ED7-40E5-A629-96EEEB93561E

(9). R.E. Karl. Staging the World. Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century. Duke University Press, 2002. Р.168.

(10) A. Claver. Dutch Commerce and Chinese Merchants in Java. Colonial Relationships in Trade and Finance, 1800 – 1942. Leiden; Boston, 2014. P.197–198.

(11) Socialisme en Indonesiё. Vol.1. Р.41. The « Workers ‘Party » (Gongdang), which was a kind of mixture of trade union, society of mutual aid and organization of self-defense / protection of workers’ rights, first arose in China in December 1911, but was crushed by the Yuan Shikai regime in 1913. Nevertheless, its organizations began to be created from 1913 the Chinese in Southeast Asia. In 1917, after the liberation of Guangzhou from the power of the militarists of North China, there –, with the support of the « Workers’ Party » operating in the Southeast Asia and Hong Kong – the Industrial Federation of Overseas Chinese was formed, which became the basis of the « General Worker Union » of Guangzhou.

(12) Ou Xi. Nanyang wuxhengfu zhui yundong zhi gaikuang // http://raforum.info/spip.php?article1992 [18.10.2015].

(13) C.F. Yong. The origins of Malayan communism. Singapore, 1997. P.19.

(14) The newspaper « Soematra Po » (« Somuntaplap Po » / « Sumendala Bao ») was found in 1908 (cf. Huaqiao huaren baike quanshu: xinwen chuban juan. Vol.6. Beijing, 1990. P.474) or in 1909 (cf. A. Claver. Op. cit. Р.197) by the members of United League. Since end of 1914 it was published by the Kuomintang at first as a weekly, and after 1924 as a daily newspaper called « Sumatra Pin Po » (« People’s newspaper of Sumatra »). After the Second World War was guided by the Democratic League of China. In 1960 it was closed by the authorities of Indonesia.

(15) Guang Xushan, Liu Jianping. Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhui shi. Changsha, 1989. P.152; Lu Zhe. Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhui sixiang shi. Beijing, 1994. P.111; C.F. Yong. Op. cit. P.15.

(16) Wuzhengfu zhui sixian ziliao xuan. Vol.2. Beijing, 1984. P.935. Chinese anarchist Tanzu In confirmed that Liu Shixin « get to Indonesia to edit « Sumendala Bao » » (Fang Tanzu In – http://www.xzbu.com/1/view-328258.htm)

(17) Kitayskie anarhisty i internazionalnyi anarhicheskiy kongress // Anarhicheskiy Vestnik. 1923. No.5-6. P.76–77; J.-J. Gandini. Aux sources de la revolution chinoise: les anarchisres. Paris, 1986. P. 170.

(18) Li Danyang. AB hezuo zai Zhongguo gean yanjiu: Zhen(li) she jian zita // Jindai shi yanjiu (Modern Chinese History Studies). 2002. № 1. P.50. – http://jds.cass.cn/UploadFiles/zyqk/2010/12/201012141215396273.pdf.

(19) C.F. Yong. Op. cit. P.23–27.

(20) Wenshi ziliao cungao xuanbian: shehui // Zhonnguo renmin zhengzhi xeshang huiyi: Quanguo weiyuanhui: Wenshi ziliao weiyuanhui. Vol.25. Beijing, 2002. P.21.

(21) Report respecting Bolshevism and Chinese Communism and Anarchism in the Far East // British documents on foreign affairs: reports and papers from the Foreign Office confidential print. Part II. From the First to the Second World War. Series E, Asia, 1914–1939. Vol.26. October 1921 – February 1922. [Bethesda, MD], 1994. Р.72.

(22) Ibid. Р.72, 74.

(23) A.L. Stoler. Capitalism and Confrontation in Sumatra`s Plantation Belt, 1870 – 1979. 2nd. ed. Ann Arbor, 1995. P.62–63.

(24) British documents on foreign affairs: reports and papers from the Foreign Office confidential print. Part II. Vol.23. [Bethesda, MD], 1996. P.289.

(25) Ou Xi. Op.cit.; C.F. Yong. Op. cit. P.15.

(26) C.F. Yong. Op. cit. P.19.

(27) Report respecting Bolshevism and Chinese Communism and Anarchism in the Far East // British documents on foreign affairs…. P.74. According to British intelligence, during a search carried out by the Dutch authorities in 1919 in Semarang, documents were confiscated, including circulars from the « Society of Truth » to the local branch and directives from the « workers’ party » from Guangzhou. Zhong Feng was considered a prominent figure in the « workers’ party », who was well acquainted with her work in Singapore, Penang and other cities of Malaya. After that, Zhong Fen and « Shek Sam » (arrested in Makassar) were expelled from the Dutch Indies.

(28) Yugo-Vostochnaya Aziya: ocherki ekonomiki i istorii. Moskwa, 1958. P.157.

(29). C.F. Yong. Op. cit. P.17.

(30) Ye.P. Zakaznikova. Rabochiy klass i nacionalno-osvoboditel`noye dvizheniye v Indonezii. Moskwa, 1971. P.91.

(31) Ibidem.

(32) Known also as Zhang Hungcheng, Chung Honsen, Chung Wansen, Chung Ximei or Wong Tekchai.

(33) C.F. Yong noted that Zhang Shimei worked in Singapore in 1920–1921 and came to Medan only 1921. He organized here a strike of railway workers against Dutch authorities, after which he was arrested and jailed for 3 years (C.F. Yong. Op.cit. P.17). According to Chinese anarchist sources, Zhang was a « motor » of the strike of electro-technicians in 1920 and was sentenced to 6 years of prison (Ou Xi. Op.cit.). Finally, it is possible to find an information that Zhang Shimei led the workers movement on Java in 1920 and that he was arrested only later and deported from Dutch Indies to China in 1924 (http://anti-generationism.blogspot.com/2010/07/blog-post_5310.html).

(34). Ou Xi. Op.cit. According to C.F. Yong, Zhang Shimei returned in China in 1925 and joined the Communist Party. In December of 1927, he participated in the insurrection of Communist Party in Guangzhou, and searched by the Kuomintang. In January of 1928, the Communist Party of China sent him to British Malaya to build the Provisory Committee of Communist Party of Southern Seas. He was arrested in Singapore 8.03.1928 and sentenced to live-long imprisonment (C.F. Yong. Op.cit. P.17).

(35) Ye. Yu. Staburova. Anarhizm i rabocheye dvizheniye v Kitaye v nachale XX v. // Kitay: gosudarstvo i obshchestvo. Moskwa, 1977. P.213.

(36) Liang Yingmin. Fu Wumen – Xinjiapo huawen bao ren – http://www.chinaqw.com/node2/node116/node117/node163/node820/node825/use….

(37) R. Rocker. Anarcho-Syndikalism. London, 1989. P.165.

(38) For contacts of Indonesian students in the Netherlands with left organizations and international anti-colonialism movement see, for example: K. Stutje. Indonesian Identities Abroad. International Engagement of Colonial Students in the Netherlands, 1908 – 1931 // BMGN – Low Countries Historical Review. 2013. Vol.128-1. P.151–172.

(39) R. Mrázek. Sjahrir: Politics and exile in Indonesia. Ithaca, 1994. P.59, 61.

(40) A. Müller-Lehning. Der soziale und nationale Befreiungskampf Indonesiens // Die Internationale. 1929. April. Nr.6. S.15–17. In particular, four Indonesian students from the Indonesian Association took part in the congress: the future vice-president of independent Indonesia M. Hatta, N. Pamunchak, Gatot and Subarjo (see: K. Stutje. Op.cit.). A number of prominent European anarchists participated in the activities of the League against imperialism and its congresses in Brussels and Frankfurt, despite the strong influence of the Communist parties in the movement. « … Thanks to the League, for the first time we entered into real contact with the colonial peoples .., » Müller-Lehning explained in a letter to the Indian anarchist M.P. Acharya on August 15, 1929. « We are striving to work inside the League for so long, as it is possible, not because we so enjoy working with the Communists, but because we believe that otherwise we will lose all contact with the colonial peoples « (cf. H. Piazza. The Anti-Imperialist League and the Chinese Revolution // The Chinese Revolution in the 1920s: Between Triumph and Disaster, L .; NY, 2002. P.174).

(41) B. De Ligt. Die wesentliche Einheit des Kampfes gegen soziale Unterdrückung mit dem Kampfe gegen Militarismus und Krieg // Die Internationale. 1929. Oktober. Nr.12. S.1–6. At the Congress of the League, Hatta was also present.

(42) J. Suryomenggolo. Worker`s Control in Java, Indonesia, 1945–1946 // Ours to Master and to Own. Worker`s Control from the Commune to the Present. Chicago, 2011. Р.222.

(43) G.A. van Klinken. Minorities, Modernity and the Emerging Nation. Christians in Indonesia, a Biographical Approach. Lejden, 2003. Р.193.

(44) Cf.: Interview mit AnarchistInnen aus Indonesien // Von Jakarta bis Johannesburg: Anarchismus weltweit. Münster, 2010. S.238–247.

(45) Black Flag. [2000]. No.219. P.12.

(46) Interview mit AnarchistInnen aus Indonesien…

(47) Ibid.

(48) It is worth noting that in 2006, two Indonesian trade union associations (the National Federation of Trade Unions of Indonesia FSPNI, which contacted the IWA in March 2005, and a part of this federation, the National trade union center, created in 2005) asked to join the IWA. They cooperated with the World Federation of Trade Unions. These organizations were not accepted in the IWA, because they are neither anarcho-syndicalist nor revolutionary syndicalist, they declare their support for the UNO, the International Labor Organization, and they have liberated functionaries and a non-federalist structure. XXIII Congress of M.А.T. in December 2007 formally denied FSPNI membership (See: XXIII Congress International Workers Association, Manchester, 8, 9 & 10 December 2006 // International Workers Association Archiv. BI003, Dec. 18, 2007. P.50).

(49) Indonesian syndicalists fight for justice at PT Garmindo Jaya KNH – https://libcom.org/news/indonesian-syndicalists-face-30092012

(50) PPAS – Persaudaraan Pekerja anarko-sindikalis. Home – http://ppas.online/en/home/

(51) Uber drivers strike in Indonesia – https://libcom.org/news/uber-drivers-strike-indonesia-23082017; Solidarity with UBER drivers! // International Workers Association – Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores – http://www.iwa-ait.org/content/solidarity-uber-drivers

INDONESIE : APPEL A LA SOLIDARITE AVEC NOS COMPAGNONS

Une vague de répression d’une violence inouie s’est abattue sur nos compagnons anarchosyndicalistes et anarchistes en Indonésie.

Rien qu’à Bandung, la police a arrêté 619 personnes, qui ont été regroupées, déshabillées, parqués et emmenées entassés en pick-up, tondus et marqués à la peinture rouge. (cf. pour plus d’info et photos sur ce site : http://blog.cnt-ait.info/post/2019/05/02/INDONESIE-repression-premier-mai-2019)

Une vague de répression d’une violence inouie s’est abattue sur nos compagnons anarchosyndicalistes et anarchistes en Indonésie.

Rien qu’à Bandung, la police a arrêté 619 personnes, qui ont été regroupées, déshabillées, parqués et emmenées entassés en pick-up, tondus et marqués à la peinture rouge. (cf. pour plus d’info et photos sur ce site : CLIQUER)

Le mouvement anarchiste en Indonésie connait une croissance régulière ces dernières années, attirant de plus en plus de jeunes qui rejettent les partis ou syndicats traditionnels, ainsi que les coutumes et traditions ancestrales et religieuses.

Manif de soutien aux grévistes d’UBER 2018

L’an passé en 2018, nos compagnons du PPAS avaient organisé une grève des chauffeurs UBER qui avait fortement irrité le KSPSI, le principal syndicat indonésien. Régulièrement le KSPSI attaque les rassemblement de nos compagnons.

En prenant prétexte d’incidents mineurs survenus le 1er Mai dans différentes villes (et provoqués largement par la police et sa répression sauvage), le syndicat et la police ont trouvé le prétexte pour chercher à se débarrasser de nos compagnons en les désignant comme les organisateurs d’une vaste complot ourdi depuis l’étranger, certains journaux incriminant même l’AIT (internationale anarchosyndicaliste). Une véritable chasse à l’anarchosyndicaliste a été lancée par le Chef de la police d’Indonésie, relayé par les principaux journaux locaux.


Aujourd’hui plusieurs personnes ont été arrêtées dont un de nos compagnons. Ils risquent de très lourdes peines.

Nos compagnons ont besoin de notre solidarité, notamment financière.

Ceux qui souhaitent contribuer peuvent :

– diffuser au maximum cette invitation

– faire un virement bancaire en solidarité. (Dans la zone Euro les virements sont gratuits, contrairement aux plateformes électroniques qui ont un coût de 2,9%+0;30$ par transaction). Pou cela nous contacter par mail : contact@cnt-ait.info

– ceux qui sont hors zone euros ou qui préfèrent passer par une plateforme électronique peuvent utiliser celle ci (en Euros) : https://www.gofundme.com/solidarite-indonesie-solidarity-indonesia.

(Il en existe aussi une en dollar montée par les compagnons australiens)

Merci pour les compagnons !

CNT-AIT Paris

FB : @chats.noirs.turbulents

INDONESIE : Après les émeutes du 1er Mai a Bandung, Surabaya et Makassar et une répression féroce, les anarchosyndicalistes et l’AIT dans le viseur de la police locale.

Les manifestations du 1er mai en Indonésie ont donné lieu à différentes actions de groupes anarchistes, et anarchosyndicalistes. A Bandung, Surabaya et Makassar, plusieurs cortège dont certains de black blocks, se sont affrontés avec la police.

A Bandung, la manifestation regroupait essentiellement des jeunes lycéens, étudiants ou travailleurs précaires. Certains étaient habillés de noir ou portaient des drapeaux rouges et noirs. (cf. le communiqué de la Bibliothèque Anarchiste Catut de Bandung en [Annexe 1|/post/2019/05/03/Communiqu%C3%A9-de-la-Biblioth%C3%A8que-Anarchiste-Catut-de-Bandung|fr]). A l’issu d’une course poursuite avec les forces anti-émeutes, 619 jeunes (dont 14 jeunes femmes) ont été arrêté par la police qui les a regroupés, parqués, déshabillés et tondus. Ils ont ensuite été entassés comme des bestiaux dans des pick-up et transféré au Commissariat central.

Les manifestations du 1er mai en Indonésie ont donné lieu à différentes actions de groupes anarchistes, et anarchosyndicalistes. A Bandung, Surabaya et Makassar, plusieurs cortège dont certains de black blocks, se sont affrontés avec la police.

A Bandung, la manifestation regroupait essentiellement des jeunes lycéens, étudiants ou travailleurs précaires. Certains étaient habillés de noir ou portaient des drapeaux rouges et noirs. (cf. le communiqué de la Bibliothèque Anarchiste Catut de Bandung). A l’issu d’une course poursuite avec les forces anti-émeutes, 619 jeunes (dont 14 jeunes femmes) ont été arrêté par la police qui les a regroupés, parqués, déshabillés et tondus. Ils ont ensuite été entassés comme des bestiaux dans des pick-up et transféré au Commissariat central.

Ci dessous la chronologie des évènements survenus le 1er Mai 2019 à Bandung :

Nassage des manifestants par la police …

Les manifestants arrêtés sont regroupés dans un parc par la police …

Les manifestants parqués sont déshabillés par la police …

Les manifestants dénudés sont ensuite entassés dans des pick-up de la police …

Regroupés dans la cours du Commissariat, ils sont tondus par les policiers.

Certains manifestés arrêtés ont été marqués à la peinture rouge

Des dizaines d’autres arrestations ont également eu lieu à Surabaya et Makassar où étaient organisés des rassemblements.

Manifestation anarchiste le 1er mai 219 à Surabaya …

Rassemblement anarchiste le 1er mai 2019 à Makassar …

Ces arrestations ne se sont pas faites au hasard. A Jakarta, 26 000 policiers étaient mobilisés pour encadrer la manifestation du syndicat KSPSI, principal syndicat du pays et véritable état dans l’état, pour prévenir tout risque « d’infiltration ». Pendant la manifestation le KSPSI s’en est pris violemment aux anarchosyndicalistes qui manifestaient tranquillement.

Manifestation du 1er mai 2019 à Jakarta, le bloc anarchosyndicaliste est présent dans la manifestation …

Ce n’est pas la première fois que le KSPSI s’en prend nos compagnons. Régulièrement les rassemblements du PPSA ( »Persaudaraan pekerja anarko syndicalis », « fraternité des travailleurs anarcho-syndicalistes ») sont attaqués par des membres du KSPSI.

Lors d’une conférence de presse le 2 mai 2019 au siège de la police de Jakarta Sud, le général en chef de la police Tito a dénoncé les anarchosyndicalistes comme les instigateurs de ces évènements. Il a notamment indiqué que « L’anarchosyndicalisme est une doctrine d’origine étrangère. C’est un phénomène international dans lequel les travailleurs veulent sortir du cadre des lois et déterminer leurs propres règles. C’est ce qu’on appelle l’anarcho-syndicalisme. Cela se développe depuis longtemps en Russie, puis en Europe, en Amérique du Sud, y compris en Asie ». Selon lui, ce phénomène s’est développé en Indonésie ces dernières années.

De son côté, le Chef d’Etat major Moeldoko a appelé à intensifier la répression contre les anarchosyndicalistes, ce à quoi le général Tito a répondu que l’ensemble des groupes anarchistes et anarchosyndicalistes d’Indonésie étaient cartographiées et que des actions – y compris de rééducation – allaient être mises en œuvre. (cf. Annexe 2 de l’extrait de la presse anglophone d’Indonésie)

Par ailleurs, le Chef de la police a rappelé que l’anarchosyndicalisme était un mouvement structuré internationalement, plusieurs journaux rappelant que l’AIT (internationale anarchosyndicaliste, dont la secrétaire générale s’était rendue en Indonésie en Juin 2018) avait lancé un appel aux travailleurs pour le 1er mai ( cf. Annexe 3 de l’extrait de la presse anglophone d’Indonésie)

CNT-AIT Paris, d’après infos de la presse indonésienne et sites militants indonésiens)
contact@cnt-ait.info
http://blog.cnt-ait.info

=========

Deutche : [Indonesien: Repression gegen Anarchosyndikalist*innen|http://anarchosyndikalismus.blogsport.de/2019/05/05/indonesien-repression-gegen-anarchosyndikalistinnen/|de]

Communiqué de la Bibliothèque Anarchiste Catut de Bandung

Nous sommes les enfants des ouvriers et de travailleurs qui travaillent dans les usines, les bureaux, les entrepôts, les ateliers, les restaurants et partout où nos parents s’inclinent devant l’employeur.

Nous sommes les enfants des ouvriers et de travailleurs qui travaillent dans les usines, les bureaux, les entrepôts, les ateliers, les restaurants et partout où nos parents s’inclinent devant l’employeur.
Nous avons décroché de l’école parce que nous devons aider nos parents

https://pustakacatut.noblogs.org/|https://pustakacatut.noblogs.org

Nous sommes les enfants des ouvriers et de travailleurs qui travaillent dans les usines, les bureaux, les entrepôts, les ateliers, les restaurants et partout où nos parents s’inclinent devant l’employeur.

Nous sommes les enfants des ouvriers et de travailleurs qui travaillent dans les usines, les bureaux, les entrepôts, les ateliers, les restaurants et partout où nos parents s’inclinent devant l’employeur.
Nous avons décroché de l’école parce que nous devons aider nos parents

Nous sommes des enfants qui nous excluons nous-même de l’école parce que nous refusons de continuer avec le système moderne d’esclavage salarié.

Nous sommes des étudiants qui travaillent à temps partiel, partageant notre temps entre étudier et travailler et qui se font continuellement intimider sur le campus et sur le lieu de travail.

Nous sommes une génération qui apprend à devenir des esclaves et à devenir des produits prêts à l’emploi pour l’industrie.

Nous devons payer des frais de scolarité élevés pour être ensuite asservis.

Nous sommes des travailleurs potentiels. Nous remplaçons nos parents qui ont perdu leur dignité, qui se sentent inférieurs parce qu’ils sont étiquetés stupides, qui travaillent dur pour satisfaire aux exigences de la production, aux longues heures de travail, aux bas salaires dans des environnements de travail à haut risque.

Nous sommes l’avenir. Nous avons commencé à écrire une nouvelle page pour une autre époque. Un âge sans oppression ni esclavage.

Nous sommes vos enfants.

Solidarité avec plus de 600 de nos amis victimes de violence à Bandung.

Personne n’est libre tant que tout le monde n’est pas libre !


Kami adalah anak buruh yang berkerja di pabrik-pabrik, kantor, gudang, bengkel, restoran dan dimana saja orang tua kami membungkuk demi upah kepada majikan.

Kami adalah anak putus sekolah karena harus membantu orang tua. Kami adalah anak yang mengeluarkan diri dari sekolah karena menolak untuk melanjutkan sistem perbudakan upah modern.

Kami adalah pelajar dan mahasiswa yang bekerja paruh waktu, membagi antara waktu belajar dan ditindas, belajar di kampus dan tempat kerja.

Kami adalah generasi yang diajarkan untuk menjadi budak dan dibentuk sebagai produk siap pakai untuk industri. Kami harus membayar kuliah mahal untuk kelak diperbudak.

Kami adalah calon buruh, menggantikan orang tua kami yang jatuh martabatnya, merasa rendah diri akibat dicap bodoh, bekerja keras di bawah tuntutan produksi, jam kerja panjang, upah rendah, dan resiko kerja tinggi.

Kami adalah masa depan. Kami mengawali sebuah lembaran untuk zaman yang berbeda. Zaman tanpa penindasan dan perbudakan.

Kami, adalah anak-anakmu.

Solidaritas untuk 600 lebih kawan-kawan yang mengalami kekerasan di Bandung. Tidak ada yang bebas hingga semuanya bebas!


Derrière ces masques noirs il y a le visage de vos enfants …

La presse indonésienne cible les anarchosyndicalistes et l’AIT suite aux émeutes du 1er Mai à Bandung

Annexe 2 : Extraits de la presse anglophone d’indonésie

 »The Indonesian National Police (Polri) Chief General Tito Karnavian regretted the fact that the International Workers’ Day, or May Day, that was held in a generally peaceful manner were ruined by the vandalistic actions of Anarcho-syndicalism groups.

The anarchist group, mostly known for their all-black uniform largely vandalized public and private spaces during the rally on Wednesday.

“There is some sort of foreign doctrine in terms of workers’ issues,” said General Tito at the Polri headquarters on Thursday, May 2.
The police chief argues that the anarchy movement is an imported idealism from the international community, such as Russia and a number of European countries before it entered Indonesia a few years back in Yogyakarta, Bandung, Surabaya, and Jakarta.

The Police chief announced that he had ordered police personnel to map out the group’s members following a string of vandalism conducted during several May Day rallies on Wednesday and re-educate the young members joined in the anarchy movement. »

La Police fiche les militants Anarcho-syndicalistes après les clashs du Premier Mai

Le général Tito Karnavian, chef de la police nationale indonésienne (Polri), a regretté le fait que la Journée internationale des travailleurs, ou le 1er mai, qui s’est déroulée de manière généralement pacifique, ait été ruinée par les actes de vandalisme de groupes anarcho-syndicalistes.

Le groupe anarchiste, principalement connu pour son uniforme entièrement noir, a vandalisé des espaces publics et privés lors du rassemblement de mercredi.

« C’est une sorte de doctrine d’origine étrangère qui traite des problèmes des travailleurs », a déclaré le général Tito au siège de la police nationale, le jeudi 2 mai.

Le chef de la police affirme que le mouvement anarchiste est un idéalisme importé de la communauté internationale, comme la Russie et un certain nombre de pays européens, avant son entrée en Indonésie il y a quelques années à Yogyakarta, Bandung, Surabaya et Jakarta.

Le chef de la police a annoncé qu’il avait ordonné au personnel de la police de ficher les membres du groupe à la suite d’une série de actes de vandalisme menés mercredi lors de plusieurs célébrations du 1er mai et de rééduquer les jeunes membres du mouvement anarchiste.

 »Anarchist Group Incited May Day Chaos, Says Workers’ Union

The Indonesian workers’ union suspected the mass rally in Jakarta and across the nation in commemorating the International Workers’ Day or May Day was infiltrated by members of anarchy groups.

“Our groups in Bandung clashed with an anarchy group that infiltrated us. The same was seen happening in Bundaran HI,” said Andi Gani Nena Wea, President of the Confederation of All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI) at the Jakarta Metro Police headquarters on Wednesday.

“Events as these are not isolated to this year’s May Day, last year I clashed with similar groups while rallying near the horse statue [in Jakarta],” said Andi Gani.

He urged police personnel to handle this issue before any members of the workers’ union get blamed in future May Day rallies caused by the actions of the anarchy groups.  »

Un groupe anarchiste a incité au chaos du 1er Mai selon le syndicat des travailleurs

Le syndicat des travailleurs indonésiens soupçonne que les rassemblement de masse à Jakarta et partout dans la nation pour commémorer la Journée internationale des travailleurs – ou Premier Mai – a été infiltrée par des membres de groupes anarchistes.
« Nos groupes à Bandung ont clashés avec un groupe anarchiste qui nous infiltrait. La même chose s’est produite à Bundaran HI [à Jakarta] », a déclaré mercredi Andi Gani Nena Wea, Président de la Confédération de tous les travailleurs indonésiens (KSPSI) au siège de la police métropolitaine de Jakarta.

« Des événements tels que ceux-ci ne sont pas isolés au seul Premier Mai, l’an passé je me suis clashé avec des groupes similaires qui se rassemblaient [à Jakarta] », a déclaré Andi Gani.
Il a appelé la police à traiter ce problème avant qu’aucun membre du Syndicat des travailleurs ne soit blâmé dans les futurs rassemblements du Premier Mai pour les actions causées par ces groupes anarchistes. 

==========

!!!!Annexe 3 : Article de la presse indonésienne incriminant l’AIT

Tentang Anarcho-Syndicalism yang Gerakkan Massa Baju Hitam di Hari Buruh (Tim detikcom – detikNews)

Massa berbaju hitam-hitam saat hari buruh di Bandung (Mukhlis Dinillah/detikcom)

Jakarta – Kapolri Jenderal Tito Karnavian menyebut massa berbaju hitam-hitam yang membuat ricuh Aksi May Day di Kota Bandung sebagai kelompok anarcho-syndicalism. Apa yang dimaksud dengan fenomena itu?

Tito menyebut anarcho-syndicalism sebagai fenomena internasional di mana pekerja ingin lepas dari aturan. Menurutnya, fenomena ini berkembang di Indonesia dalam beberapa tahun belakangan.

« Jadi maunya pekerja lepas dari aturan dan mereka menentukan aturan sendiri, makanya disebut dengan anarcho-syndicalism. Ini sudah lama berkembang di Rusia, kemudian di Eropa, Amerika Selatan, termasuk di Asia, » jelas Tito di gedung Rupatama Mabes Polri, Jalan Trunojoyo, Kebayoran Baru, Jakarta Selatan, Kamis (2/5/2019).
Baca juga: Kapolri Sebut Massa Berbaju Hitam di Hari Buruh Kelompok Anarcho-Syndicalism

Dikutip dari buku ‘Political Theorists in Context’ karya Stuart Issacs dan Chris Sparks, anarcho-syndicalism atau anarko-sindikalisme adalah cabang dari anarkisme yang berkonsentrasi pada pergerakan buruh. Anarko-sindikalisme meyakini bahwa hanya penghapusan sistem upah dan pembentukan manajemen industri yang mandiri dapat membebaskan para pekerja.
Sementara itu, seperti dikutip dari ‘Anarcho-syndicalism in the 20th Century’ karya V Damier, gerakan ini bangkit dalam dekade pertama abad ke-20. Gerakan ini menyebar ke berbagai negara di belahan dunia, dari Spanyol, Rusia, Prancis, Jepang, Argentina, Swedia, Italia, China, Portugal, hingga Jerman.

Pada 1922, International Workers Association (IWA) dibentuk sebagai federasi internasional untuk serikat buruh anarko-sindikalisme. Organisasi ini mengusung bendera berwarna merah dan hitam.
Baca juga: Ratusan Remaja ‘Hitam-hitam’ yang Ditangkap Polisi Bikin Aksi Vandalisme

Di situs resminya, IWA sendiri membuat seruan saat May Day 2019 kepada para pekerja. IWA menyatakan tujuannya agar para buruh mendapatkan kendali atas hidupnya.

Sebelumnya diberitakan, sejumlah pemuda diamankan polisi di Bandung lantaran dianggap mengganggu jalannya May Day. Kelompok berbaju hitam-hitam itu melakukan aksi vandalisme. Kehadiran mereka sempat dibubarkan polisi. Aksi kejar-kejaran pun terjadi. Para pemuda yang diamankan langsung digiring ke Mapolrestabes Bandung. Rambut mereka digunduli.
Di Surabaya, muncul pula massa berpenampilan hitam-hitam. Ulah mereka juga sama, bikin rusuh. Tanpa banyak bicara, massa berpakaian hitam-hitam ini langsung melakukan aksi duduk di depan Gedung Negara Grahadi tempat massa buruh merayakan May Day, Rabu (1/5).

Baca juga: Massa Serba Hitam Muncul Saat May Day di Prancis, 88 Orang Ditangkap

Di Makassar, massa berpakaian hitam-hitam juga beraksi. Kata juru parkir di wilayah Panakkukang, 20 orang berpakaian hitam merusak spanduk reklame, mencoret dinding, dan melempar batu serta balok. Mereka juga melontarkan kata-kata makian.

À propos de l’anarcho-syndicalisme qui a déplacé une masse de black blocs à l’occasion de la fête du travail à Bandung (Mukhlis Dinillah / detikcom)

Jakarta – Le chef de la police nationale, le général Tito Karnavian, a qualifié les groupes vêtus de noir qui ont semé le chaos par leurs actions du 1er mai à Bandung de groupe anarcho-syndicaliste. Quel est ce phénomène ?

Le Général Tito a rappelé que l’anarcho-syndicalisme est un phénomène international dans lequel les travailleurs veulent échapper aux règles. Selon lui, ce phénomène s’est développé en Indonésie ces dernières années.

« Les travailleurs veulent sortir du cadre des lois et déterminer leurs propres règles. C’est ce qu’on appelle l’anarcho-syndicalisme. Cela se développe depuis longtemps en Russie, puis en Europe, en Amérique du Sud, y compris en Asie », a expliqué le général Tito au siège de la police de Rupatama, Jalan Trunojoyo, Kebayoran Baru, Jakarta Sud, le jeudi 02 mai 2019.

Cités dans l’ouvrage « Les théoriciens politiques dans leur contexte » de Stuart Issacs et Chris Sparks, l’anarcho-syndicalisme est une branche de l’anarchisme qui se concentre sur le mouvement ouvrier. L’anarcho-syndicalisme estime que seules la suppression du système des salaires et la formation d’une organisation indépendante de travailleurs peuvent libérer les travailleurs.

Selon le livre « l’anarcho-syndicalisme au XXe siècle » de Vadim Damier, ce mouvement est né dans la première décennie du XXe siècle. Ce mouvement s’est étendu à divers pays du monde, depuis l’Espagne, la Russie, la France, le Japon, l’Argentine, la Suède, l’Italie, la Chine, le Portugal et l’Allemagne.

En 1922, l’Association internationale des travailleurs (AIT, en anglais IWA) a été créée en tant que fédération internationale des syndicats anarcho-syndicalistes. Cette organisation porte des drapeaux rouges et noirs.

Sur son site officiel, l’AIT-IWA a elle même lancé des appels pour le 1er mai 2019 à l’intention des travailleurs. L’AIT-IWA a déclaré que son objectif était que les travailleurs prennent le contrôle de leur vie.

A Bandung, un certain nombre de jeunes hommes [en fait 609 jeunes hommes et 14 femmes] avaient été arrêtés par la police à Bandung, car ils étaient réputés interférer avec la manifestation du 1er mai. Le groupe habillé en noir effectuait du vandalisme. Leur présence a été dissoute par la police. Une poursuite s’en est ensuivi. Les jeunes hommes qui ont été appréhendés ont immédiatement été conduits au Commissariat central de Mapolrestabes à Bandung. Leurs cheveux ont été rasés.

À Surabaya, une masse d’apparence noire et sombre est également apparue. Ils ont agi de même, faisant des émeutes. Sans beaucoup de discussions, la foule vêtue de noir vint immédiatement à l’action devant le Grahadi State Building, où la masse des travailleurs célébrait le 1er mai.

À Makassar, la foule vêtue de noir s’est également mobilisée. Un préposé au stationnement a déclaré dans la région de Panakkukang que 20 personnes revêtues de noirs avaient endommagés des panneaux, avaient détruit des murs et avaient jeté des pierres et des poutres. Ils ont également lancé différentes invectives.